SULAYMAN JENG, UK
THE GAMBIA: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE
Despite all the doubts harboured on the newly independent Africa’s smallest state, The Gambia, under the eagle eyes of Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara matched on to establish itself as a functioning multiparty democracy. At one point, it was assumed by most of its sceptics that the Gambia will not augur well as an independent state due to the smallness of its size and ailing economic challenges. In his autobiography, KAIRABA, Sir Dawda recounted: “Everyone else, it seemed, got deeper into debt. The country itself was in debt. The government was strenuously running the Colony and the Protectorate at a deficit which by the time I drafted the Independence manifesto in October 1960 had risen to nearly £500,000 within a recurrent expenditure package of £2 million. Debt was going to be the single stranglehold that stood to thwart every resolve of our people to become fully independent. It was one of the intractable conditions that could make a caricature of our political independence. It was the one card that some international partners used to great effect in plying our vote one way or the other. It weakened many respectable steps we had taken as a developing country to move forward.” (p35) As a result, suggestions were made for it to be absorbed by Senegal-a move which was vehemently resisted by the Jawara camp which left no stone unturned in pursuing a full and autonomous independent state for the Gambia and her people. It soon became clear to its sceptics that the Gambia has sailed safely to enviable political stable waters unlike most of its counterparts who transgressed into authoritarian governments immediately after independence.
Fate was destined to test and rock the enviable Gambian political stability. On 31 July 1981 a group of 12 disgruntled Gambian civilians branding themselves as the National Revolutionary Council led by the late Kukoi Samba Sanyang and supported by a handful of field force men stormed the Gambia Mile 7 Radio studio and announced that they have seized power from the democratically elected People’ Progressive Party regime while it leader Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara was abroad. A week of mayhem ensued as arms and ammunitions fell in the wrong hands of criminals let loose from the Mile II Central Prisons by the rebels. The radio airwaves of the Gambia were filled with the voice of the unknown rebel leader chanting Marxist slogans and accusing the Jawara government of series of corruptions and political malfunctions. Lives and properties were destroyed as the rebels continued to hold the Gambia to ransom. Looting of properties and personal vendetta became the order of the day in the greater Banjul area. Sense and calm was finally restored with the help of some SAS officers from the United Kingdom and the Senegalese army and Gendarmerie.
Massive arrests and detentions of people suspected of partaking or aiding and abetting the rebels followed the restoration of calm and normalcy in the Gambia as Jawara was reinstated as the democratically elected president. Among those arrested and detained were the late Sheriff Mustapha Dibba, Pap Cheyasin Seck, Fabala Kanuteh and a host of others. Albeit information was not as wide spread as it is today in the Gambia, the trial of all accused persons were reported on the state own radio and the independent print media. It was during these trials that young fine legal minds such as Ousainou N Darboe shone and made a name in the legal career. Some graphic inhumane treatments were also reported by some of the detainees which they endured from the hands of their captors; Senegalese gendarmerie. It is also fitting to add that fateful week in which the Gambia dashed into hell and back dealt a massive dent in its already crippling economy leading to the initiation of the Economic Recovery Programme (ERP) until it was replaced by the Programme for Sustainable Development on 15 June 1990.
As the dust of the July 1981 abortive coup began to settle down, the two governments of the Gambia and Senegal after series of consultations formally launched the Senegambia Confederation in February 1 1982. It was anticipated that with the advent of the confederation, greater peace and stability will be ushered in the region and establish structures and institutions which will foster mutual economic and bilateral relations to flush out future uprisings such as that of 31 July 1981. However, the confederation was short lived. President Abdou Diouf of Senegal called for its suspension seven years later before the final nail was driven into its coffin on 7 October 1989 by an act of parliament. The Gambia National Army came into being in November 1984 to compliment the work of the Gendarmerie and replace the defunct Field Force. It was assigned with the internal and external security of the Gambia. Following the collapse of the Senegambia Confederation, the Gendarmerie also became insolvent. Most of its core officers and men including Yahya AJJ Jammeh opted to join the ranks and file of the Gambia National Army while Ebrima Ismaila Chongan and others chose the Gambia Police Force which was at the time experiencing image deficiency from the Gambian public.
GEOGRAPHY
The Gambia is by far the smallest country in mainland Africa. Unsupported accounts had been put forward in explaining how the Gambia arrived at it geographical borders. What is certain though is apart from its coastline, where it meets the Atlantic Ocean, it is an enclave of Senegal. According to the Wikipedia-The Free Encyclopaedia, “The country’s present boundaries were defined in 1889 after an agreement between the United Kingdom and France”. The Gambia is located in West Africa with a total area of 11,300 square kilometres and land boundaries of 740 kilometres. Gambia has a land total of 10,000 square kilometres while it water area amounts to 1,300 square kilometres. In comparison, it is often referred to as twice the size of Delaware. The Gambia has a tropical climate; hot and rainy from June to November and cooler, dry season from November to May.
POPULATION
The Gambia’s population, according to the Central Statistics Department, was estimated to stand at 1,364,507 million people in 2003 with densities of 97 and 127 persons per square kilometre respectively. However, it significantly surged to 1,776,103 million (World Bank Data) people in September 2012 while the annual population growth rate was estimated to be at 2.344%. The main population comprises the youth with more than half (63.55%) below 25 year; persons of 65 years and above accounts for only 2.8% of the population. The age structure of The Gambia’s population stands as thus: The 0-14 age bracket constituting 43.9% (males 382,385/females 378,853); 15-65 age bracket makes up 53.4% (males 459,315/females 466,689). The urbanisation rate in 1993 was at 37.1% in 1993 but rose significantly to 50.3% in 2003 which suggests that half of the population as urban dwellers.
- Birth Rate: 33.41 births/1,000 population (2012 estimates)
- Death Rate: 7.5 deaths/1,000 population (2012 estimates)
- Infant Mortality Rate: 360 deaths/1,000 live births (2010)
- Life Expectancy at Birth; 61.52 years /men; 66.18 years/women (2012)
- Total Fertility Rate: 4.1 children/woman (2012)
- Literacy Rate: Age over 15 years who can read and write , male 60% , 40.4% (2010)
PEOPLE
In spite of its small size, The Gambia enjoys a diverse multicultural society with many ethnic groups. With barely any inter-tribal friction, most Gambians are bi-lingual; speaking two or even three languages. The peaceful co-existence of its citizens has been attributed to not only it size but also the influence of Islam and Christianity. Even though each tribe has its own uniqueness in marking celebrations such as naming, wedding and funeral ceremonies, Islam and Christianity have an overriding guide to the conduct of such ceremonies. Suffice it to say that it is common to note a Gambian claiming to either belong to a Mandika; Fula; Jola; Wolof; Sarahule; Serer or Manjago tribe yet intermarriages within the tribes and adoption of traditional observation have cross-pollinated all the tribes. Consequently, it becomes tedious to assert what Gambian culture and tradition really are bearing in mind the religious effect of blurring what differentiate one tribe to another