Gainako Newspaper

.. " I Will Defend the Poverty and Independence of This Country " - Asserts President Jammeh
The 2008, 22nd July celebrations marking the 14th year of the
coup that ushered President Yahya Jammeh and his colleagues
to power commenced with a heavy down pour of rain that
disrupted the whole event leaving mainly the security forces and
other institutions of Government standing soaked in rain, thereby
delaying the itinerary.

Interestingly enough, the president arrived lately and found
everyone soaked except the bureaucrats and so shake hands
with people such as Religious leaders, high ranking civil
servants and chiefs, etc.

This reporter observed that none of those who orchestrated or executed the coup with him have
surfaced. Jammeh who alone spoke at the celebration said among other things that the theme for this
year's celebration is, "Independence and National Pride." He said the objective is to exchange ideas
on self- reliance and independence. He said self- reliance and independence means to depend on
ourselves.

Jammeh, who appeared defensive throughout, said 14 years ago, he called on Gambians to observe
Accountability, Transparency and Probity. He opined that if Gambians had adhered to his call, then
the situation would have been different by now. The Gambian strongman then went on to dwell into
international issues. He said the oil companies are far richer than the countries that owned the oil. He
claimed that he has refused to depend on NEPAD to develop this country.

The Gambian leader drifted again to local issues and said even vegetables are being imported into the
country and then asked what we Gambians are doing. He reminded his audience that a country such
as Afghanistan is given a pledge of 50 Billion Dollars but the whole of Africa is given less, and argued
that conditionality is put on them to engage in a peer review mechanism. He opined that the objective
of the West is to allow them to report negatively on each other and their neighbors and as he argued
this is why he refused to engage in the P.R.M.

President Jammeh however affirmed that the problem of Africa lay squarely on poor leadership. He
blames it on countries that are yielding to the West. He said this is the first time an internal issue has
gone to the Security Council such as Zimbabwe. He asserted that they know why Iraq is invaded and
blamed Britain for given less than 50 million Dollars to the Gambia since Independence, because as he
argued, Gambia has given a lot of funds to support Britain during the Second World War.

Reacting to the disruption of the rain, he said God has sent rain to remind them of the fact that unless
they go to the farm they will not be independent.

The president, who expressed his unhappiness on the status quo, criticizes those human rights NGOs
or institutions in other countries that criticizes him of engaging in dictatorial tendencies. He asked why
countries like Britain and America do not say anything about that or stop them.

The President who seems to baffle his audience asked them as thus, all those who want to go to hell,
raise your hands? No one raises his or her hand. Then he asked who wants to go to heaven? But no
one raises his or hand. So he asked them whether they think they can go to heaven without going to
the farm.

He opined that the West is calling him dictator because he supports Mugabe. He then asked whether
he is an oppressor or a dictator. The audience which constituted mainly children who may not have
fully understood him answered, No in a low tone of voice. Then he ironically said he is proud to be
called a dictator because as he said it is the West who called him Dictator.

The president who appeared to be embittered by the criticisms then went back to the oil issue and
claimed that when oil was discovered in the Gambia, the oil companies called on him and offered him
5% which he said he has rejected, and in fact emphasized that he would rather leave the production
for a billion years than to accept 5% from the proceeds. "I have no confidence in any foreign
company. I have enough experience with foreign companies," he divulged. He added that he would
establish a state owned company, which will benefit the people and him.

The Gambian leader repeated that he will subsidize the price of rice up to September but as he
warned, he will not do it after September and reiterated further that he does not care even if the price
goes up to 2 thousand Dalasi. He further opined that only the women folk are taking care of the
family. He said even if the men look at him he would say that men are good at sitting at bantabas and
near the mosques and pretend that they are praying but argued that they are not. He also said if he
asks the children who among their parents buy uniform for them, he said less than 100 would say it is
their father. He then blame the Banjulians who he said always say that they cannot go back to the land
because they have no farm. He suggested Niumi for them to go and do farming.

The president in the spirit of defiance asserted unequivocally that he will do what he believes in to
defend the poverty and independence of the country. At the end of his speech, some buses are seen
parading the streets of Banjul and the president said he has personally intervened to stop the price
hike in commercial transport and that he will now intervene in any thing that purports to exploit the
Gambian people. Some buses which this reporter counted in the screen amounting to over 15 are said
to be owned jointly by the president and one Lali Diab, a Lebanese Gambian, as a start for the new
transport company. One begins to wonder what happens to the GPTC transport company.
It however remains to be known as to how much the state spent on this year's July 22 celebrations but
according to the answer given to the National Assembly last year, the state spent over D22 million
Dalasi.

THE REACTIONS
This reporter decided to sound the opinions of the people on some of the points raised by the
president during his speech. On the question of his stance on imperialism, some say he is simply
appeasing Iran, Cuba and Venezuela, that he has no policy of his own; that criticizing the United
States and Britain would make it look as if he is anti West but this intellectual argued that Jammeh is
far from being an anti-Imperialist. When pushed why he said that, this critic of Jammeh maintain that
Jammeh has agreed to toe everything prescribed by the IMF and the World Bank since he came to
power 14 years ago; that all that he is doing is to talk tough so that those countries can see him as an
ally and give him aid on a concessionary basis. The critic even suggested further that the newly arrived
buses could have been the help of Iran; that this is why Jammeh in fact supported Mugabe because
the Iranians first announced their support. He suggested further that looking at Jammeh's foreign
policy it is always tailored after one country or the other; that his support for Taiwan is based on
cheque book diplomacy.

On the issue of NEPAD, many people do not even know what it is all about. It is the opinion of some
that Jammeh is just trying to throw sand in NEPAD because he could not fit in the arrangement; that
since his regime has a lot of deficits in many areas such as Human rights, freedom of speech etc, he
could not join the P.R.M because that would expose him as a non democrat, and as they said this is
why he is looking for some scapegoats. The person argued that NEPAD and the Peer Review
Mechanism is a very good idea because it will help leaders to adhere to principles of good governance
and Human Rights and even standard of best practice etc.

On the BACK TO THE LAND call, the president has many critics. They say it is not realistic to just
ask people to go back to the land without any modalities put in place. They said the whole thing is a
publicity gimmick, which is just meant for propaganda purposes. Some even give the latest statistics
given by a Newspaper that 70 per cent of the Gambian people are already on the land, and asked
how many more people they need on the land. They suggest that Government should help the farmers
to get the right inputs and implements to do the production better and stop pretending that the refusal
of people going to the land is the cause of the hunger in the country.

On the buses, many commended it as a good thing but expressed reservation when they come to
understand that it is the property of Jammeh alone instead of the state. They said the D22 million or so
wasted on celebrating a coup detat could have been utilized to revitalize the GPTC bus company,
proceeds of which could be plowed back to other sectors of the economy.

........................................................OPINION
...... Voice Of Our People
...................- July 22nd, What Did We Learn?
..............................By Kebba Sanneh (Nyanchor)....July 23rd, 2008
For the past fourteen years the Gambia, a once prosperous
and democratic within the human quality index's statistics, with
human and intellectual resources to propel the tiny republic into
a bastion of fruitful and contributive power in the sub region,
suddenly registers and lengthen the sequence of so called failed
states in modern contemporary history of the post colonial, and
perhaps the last monarchial type of state under the pretext of
African democracy.

We have heard, read and saw films of men who created and
committed mass destruction of life and property under the name
of protecting, defending the very people they claimed to be in
service for. The list could begin any where on the content of our
birth and our hopeful place of death, by any man blind folded
with a pen in his hand by merely pressing the tip of the pen on the map of the continent in a geography
lecture.

From the 70's era Amin of Uganda, the brutal white South African apartheid system, the brutal mass
murdered, classified as genocide by the United Nations and many men and women of conscious, in
Rwanda, central Africa, the list could go on and on. What happened to us as nation states with flags
and independence, anthems and countless shows of extravagance by despot and self serving dictators
who serves none but their individual, egoistic and meaningless life styles.

Fourteen years ago, that sad and dark clouds that the Gambian, the middle class and the elites would
read about other countries in the neighborhood, the uprising of acquiring, through self determination of
selflessness for dependence and an abrupt halt to all forms of colonialism and been subservient and
obedient to white rule was the news. It was far, very far away we said in the Gambia. The rebel
troops loyal to so and so rebel leader in so and so country could be heard on the BBC voice of Africa
by the likes of Robin Whit and the others. Those report where coming from far, very far away... we
thought. Crisis as close to us as Liberia and Serraleone where still to us unimaginable and beyond
being a possible scenario.

The negative peace under Jawara, where nepotism and foundations of a solid base elitist state was in
formation, with lies and countless promises of working towards a better life for all Gambians was
pushed deep down and subdued by the relative voice they granted to the people. In other words it
was like by the time people started to understand the tricks played on them by the government, they
were already granted the voice to dissent. People were closely guided by conscience, therefore the
feeling of expressing one's resentment towards the government could be simply expressed within any
community, the Bantaba, the restaurant, the clubs and even in front of the seat of power, the Gambia's
equivalent of the white house, in DC, the state house, without fear of arrest or, death in mysterious
circumstances, or forced into exile. Give people the voice to call for help in circumstances where they
feel helpless and you stay in power for a long time or descend as soon as possible as a man of dignity,
with respect, with brain to think, heart to pump and love to give. The PPP managed and sustained
power on several grounds, but the truth shall set us free.

Finally the mighty blue flag that used to fly over the tiny republic along side the national flag, was
replaced by the green flag depicting a man who would be remembered as one of the last laughing
stalks of a series of sick, manipulative and blood thirsty African Dictators. July 22nd to us is the
majority of Gambians within and out side of the Gambia believed that things of strange appearance
and sudden smell occupied room of dog nose type people. The day does not register well with
anything genuine or serious to me as a Gambian.

A Junior officer with little or barely no knowledge of the geography of the world, the location and
bearing of the state he supposedly governs, knows nothing about economics or any discipline of
leadership, outside of the circumference of a few years of military training. No knowledge of modern
laws of change of leadership of a sovereign state, defied, marginalized all conventions on principles of
peaceful, democratic change, seized power and embark on a mission of massacre, death and horrible
and inhumane suffering to the Gambia on this date of July 22nd. A one man state introduced,
maintained and sustained by a minority with utter disregard armed with total and excessive order of
implementing terror and fear within one of Africa's most tranquil, peace loving and categorically
civilized by all standards of history as one of the most sophisticated Africans in politics and art, religion
and the astrology of the stars, the people of the great kingdom of the empire of Mali.

Gambians would not forget Jammeh, but sad tales would follow behind him, uncovering and revealing
this man as one of those bad fellows like Mobuto. The new York times quoted a one time American
top brass, who described Mobuto as "one of the creatures of history". I just wonder how he
(Jammeh) would be called once he fell from his empire of greed and hallucination, the monster driving
him to his own ultimate destruction would look at face of guilt and congratulate this messenger of evil
for a job well done by killing Ousman Koro Ceesay, the brilliant man of the pen and an exemplary
character of ethics, morale and sense of duty and responsibility to his country of birth and consequent
place of death. The fact of the matter is neither the perceived enemies, nor the loyalists within the rank
of the APRC, no descent Gambian with a feeling and understanding of self could or would forgive you
or the government for the death of some of our best. Our men of the arm forces, serving, risking and
compromising family events and gatherings, the good and quality times with their families, in order to
serve their homeland.

July 22nd can only, be described as another turning point in the human suffering of yet another civilized
people, enslaved by their own. History repeating itself, the wheel is rolling back wards for us when we
see the African denied of food, water, and other basic needs by another African, with the same
language, with children among and beyond the boundaries I said what our great leaders planned,
imagined and put entire life times to, would have to wait for other seasons in the future.

Gambia is worst today under Jammeh than any other time in the history of our country. July 22nd
brought death, and a total change of atmosphere in the human-to-human relationship and on the
psychic of each and every citizen of the republic. I cannot celebrate because I have reasons to cry. I
cannot call home to say to friends how are you, because they would say mine is better than theirs. I
cannot join the masses for fear of being identify as the one alone, but because I feel sorry for any man
who dine and wine with people who held our people below the line of division that qualifies all men to
the basic human rights. To be honest it is sad and really minds bugling, ironic so to speak. July 22nd,
the thieves would be partying while the owners would be singing in
their minds the following:

Song for July 22nd "revolution"

For Jammeh our dictator
Who came out of poverty
Enrich himself on our labor
Left us sing in slavery

Works for God in Allah's Bank
Through the genes and demons
Demons who fought and disappeared
And Jammeh still in hot pursuit

Lost in the world of false prophets
Symbolizes and represent Satan on earth
He built a hotel and Allah's bank
He leads prayers and sermons
He carries beads and swords

Jammeh who grows fat while we grow slim
Who feeds wild animals while we starve
For Jammeh who kills and lies
For the dictator who enslaves

Him we hate and him we show faces of smile
His net is just laid the fool, is surrounded
Blinded by his ego betrayed by his imaginary friends
Time's not on his side, he can feel the heat.
Bye bye dictators, bye bye Butcher of Kanilai

To write to the author, please send comments to Kebba Sanneh <nyanchor22@hotmail.com>

Kebba Sanneh (Nyanchor)
Stockholm, Sweden
.......................................OPINION
.........DETENTION WITHOUT TRIAL
......(AFTER 14 YEARS OF MILITARY TAKE OVER)
.................................By Yahya Dampha........July 23rd, 2008
The Government of president Yahya Jammeh have become a national
disgrace and pity Hence after fourteen years of coming into power and
three times swearing to the Holy book of the land continues to violates
the rights and freedom of Gambians and none Gambians alike. The
AFPRC/APRC government since coming to the helm of the affairs shows
total disregards to the Gambian constitution, instead of arresting people
on reasonable suspicion that one has committed a crime or is about to
commit a crime the regime is arresting and detaining people on the orders
of Yahya Jammeh.

The saddest thing, is that all arrestees are send to mile II maximum security unit or secret detention
centers without appearing in court as stated by section 19 of the constitution of the Gambia and laws
of the fundamental human and peoples rights.

The following people listed below are detained for weeks, months and years without being charge or
brought to any court of law and their families and lawyers have no access to them since they were
arrested.

[1] Journalist chief Ebrima Manneh of Daily Observer arrested since 7 July 2006,
[2] Kanyiba Kanyi of CCF arrested since September 2006,
[3] Haruna Jammeh and Marcie Jammeh both brothers to President Jammeh were arrested since
2005,
[4] Alfusainey Jammeh of Kanilai arrested since 2005,
[5] Ex-chief Momodou Lamin Nyassi,
[6] Ndongo Mboob and Buba Sanyang all of Bwiam Fonni arrested since 2006.
[7] Student Aliue Lowe of Fagi kunda arrested since march 2006,
[8] Sergeant Sam Kambai of Gambia National Army arrested since 2006,
[9] Bakary Gassama National Intelligence Agent arrested since 2007,
[10] Kebba Secka of National Intelligence Agent arrested since 2007,
[11] Commander Ebrima Dibba of crime management coordination arrested since may 2008,
[12] Commander Ebrima Kunchi Jammeh of serious crime unit arrested since may 2008
[13] Ansumana Julaky Marennah of Julaky Enterprise since early July 2008.

The Jammeh government should either bring these people to court or release and compensate them if
their over due detentions were malicious because it is totally unconstitutional.

.....................Press Release:
Statement Issued By The (UDP) On The July
22nd Celebrations: July 23rd, 2008
United Democratic Party (UDP)
C/O P. O. Box 500
Bronx, NY 10453
udp_nyc@yahoo.com

July 22nd, 2008

...Statement issued by the (UDP) on the July 22nd celebrations
Gambian People, the international Community and all Democratic and Human Rights Organizations
worldwide are hereby called upon to condemn in the strongest terms the (APRC) Government for
celebrating the July 22 1994 Coup D'etat, the day some junior undisciplined, non commissioned
officers of the Gambian national army led by Yahya Jammeh decided to challenge the legitimate and
constitutionally elected Government of the Gambian people. This is why the regime takes it upon itself
to celebrate and commemorate this dark historic occasion every year in spite of the fact that the
majority of Gambians remain totally opposed to the idea.

For the majority of Gambians, who over the years have painfully learnt the bitter experience of this
violent and illegal change, celebrating this occasion is not only a waste of their tax revenue but is a
cruel reminder of the period of illegal arrests, detentions, torture, unfair trials and a general insecurity
of life and property. It is also a reminder of how corruption can be legalized and justified under a
Military dictatorship. President Yahya Jammeh and his cohorts have, beyond the comprehension of
the average Gambian, acquired properties, built enormous cash deposits and engaged in dubious
business dealings within a record time.

The record speaks for itself, the same gang of arrogant and greedy soldiers headed by Yahya A. J
Jammeh who have transformed themselves to civilian politicians supported by the military have over
the 14 year period mismanaged and looted the Gambian economy. They continue to violate
constitution, rig elections to oppress the Gambian people by perverting the rule of law. The legacy of
the APRC regime, which in effect is nothing more than a pseudo-democracy and a dictatorship, is
geared more towards Human Rights violation and disregard for constitutional order. It is obvious that
the Gambian people have finally realized that they have been betrayed by a handful of soldiers and
some selfish civilians who were never loyal to the nation but all the time were being guided by
selfishness and greed.

The APRC regime is still very hostile to democracy, the press freedom, good governance, human
rights and the rule of law. A testimony of this is the recent summary dismissal of two high Court judges
Mr. B. Y. Camara and Haddy Roche without due process.

Media houses like the independent newspaper have been closed. Citizen FM Radio and newspaper
were closed and never reopened until the death of the proprietor and director Mr. Babucarrr Gaye.
Journalists like Dehda Hydara have been murdered and to date there has not been any conclusive
investigation by the APRC Government. The act of murder can only be attributed to the gang of
APRC terrorists better known as the "green boys". Media houses have been burnt down and
journalists and other media personnel attacked, wounded or severely beaten. The arson attacked on
the house of BBC correspondent Ebrima Sillah, Radio 1 FM, and the Independent newspaper have
all contributed to killing of press freedom in the Gambia. The latest of such actions being the detention
of Yaya Dampha, the narrow escape of Momodou Justice Darboe, and the arrest and detention of
Chief Ebrima Manneh. Even pro-government journalists like Malick Jones, and president Jammeh's
own press secretary Mr. Sait Ceesay and Deda Halake could not escape undue arrest and detention.
The financial bond imposed on newspaper editors liable to be charged with libel is more of a ban on
the right to publish facts about the APRC regime and censorship of the press than a regulatory act of
"irresponsible journalism"

As already indicated in this statement, on the political front the opposition activists continue to be
subjected to harassment in every form. Genuine pro-democratic activists continue to be denied their
constitutional rights and freedom. Two United Democratic Party (UDP) members Mr. Dudou Kassa
Jatta detained for two years without charge has since been released because of local and international
pressure while Kaniba Kani is still under detention and being held incommunicado without being
charged or brought before a court of law.

The propaganda machinery of this government is to chant peace and stability aloud while it is
committed to chaos and anarchy.

President Yahya Jammeh and his regime have a lot to explain to the Gambian people on actions that
can be those of a tyrannical dictatorship. The UDP is putting up a challenge to President Yahya
Jammeh and his government about the mysterious disappearance of Kaniba Kani who was arrested
by the former notorious SOS for the Interior Babucarr Jatta since 2006. Despite several court orders
to produce or release Kaniba Kani, President Yahya Jammeh with the advice Babucarr Jatta and his
successors treat these high court orders with contempt by persistently defying with impunity the high
court rulings. This has shown the whole world that here is a government that does not respect the rule
of law.

PRESIDENT Yahya Jammeh has blood in his hands for allegedly:

1. Killings of 50 African immigrants including 44 Ghanaians under unexplained circumstances three
years ago;
2. Killing of a former Secretary of State for Finance Ousaman Koro Ceesay;
3. Killing of 14 peaceful unarmed student demonstrators;
4. Killing of a prominent Gambian journalist Dehda Hydara;
5. Killings of 5 top security personnel including the former director of (NIA) Mr. Daba Mareneh;
6. The death of a female (UDP) female supporter Sarjo Kunjang Sanneh as result of violent torture.
7. The arrest and disappearance of Kaniba Kani
8. The torture and eventual death of Dudou Sanneh of the youth wing, a crime committed by a former
secretary of State of then junta Capt. Lamin Kaba Bajo on behalf of President Yahya Jammeh.
9. The violent shooting and maiming of Human Rights Lawyer Ousman Sillah who has to flee the
country to save his life.
10. The murder of the Red Cross personnel Omar Barrow shot at by state guard on April 10 and the
summary execution of a (UDP) youth youth Momodou Ceesay by State Guards during a UDP, rally
in Tallinding in 2001.

Today it is abundantly clear that President Yahya Jammeh and cohorts were only hungry for power,
were out to destroy the democratic institutions of the country, abuse the rights and freedom of the
people, and by so doing deprive the Gambian citizens the rights to freedom and democracy. The
objectives of the Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council (AFPRC) Junta turned civilian (APRC)
Government is therefore to cling on to power at all cost, plunder the country's resources without being
challenged by any opposing force within the country.

We are therefore informing the world community, that this is what is being celebrated. All progressive
Organizations including all those who stand for democracy, justice and human rights are urged to
boycott these shameful celebrations of 22 July which is nothing more than a disgrace and a betrayal of
the Gambian people.

Down with coup D'etats
Down with Dictatorship
Down with Terrorism

Long live The Gambia
Long live Democracy
Long live the United Democratic Party

Signed/stamped:

Saihou Mballow
For the Executive Committee
United Democratic Party (UDP)
NEW YORK CITY, U.S.A. Chapter

...............................Essay
.......HOMELAND BLUES
....................................By Cherno Baba Jallow........July 22nd, 2008
Today marks the 14th anniversary of the 22nd July 1994 military coup that brought President Yahya Jammeh to
power. A lot has happened in The Gambia since then. The author examines the realities of the last years. His
observations:
As the Second World War began to flare up in 1939, the late French
-Algerian philosopher Albert Camus was left worried: He wrote: �The
reign of beasts has begun.� Camus was conscious of and worried
about the possibility of unintended consequences � of a war being
waged in the name of world liberation. The Allies defeated Nazi
Germany alright, but only after a large scale destruction had visited
upon swathes of land and hordes of people across Europe. It was
never going to be costless, this routing of Adolph Hitler and his band
of rampaging invaders.

Camus was cautious. The same couldn�t have been said of most Gambians as Yahya Jammeh and his
colleagues forced their way to power 14 years ago today. Jammeh�s emergence on the political scene
occasioned a surge of euphoria, arresting in its palpability and unsustainable for its hollowness.
Gambians displayed an extravagance of wishful thinking and just marched along with the new leaders,
unmindful of the national risks of such an abrupt change of the political order. Perhaps, after three
decades of civilian leadership, part sluggish, part corrupt, Gambians were thrilled about militarism in
the ascendant. We had often heard from afar and with fervent absorption, the countless military
interventions in other parts of the sub-region. Nigeria, for one: the long line of military rulers � from
Ironisi to Obasanjo, Buhari to Abubakar � intrigued some of us.

In the immediate aftermath of the military coup, the Gambia National Army suddenly became a
household institution. It seemed everybody wanted to be a soldier, partaking off the limelight of the
military�s coasting to the pinnacle of power and authority. Alhaji Martin a.k.a. Lagos, the former
prolific central defender of the Serrekunda West Sticklers football club, saw his military career climb
to higher altitudes of visibility. Often donning dark sunglasses, Martin became a constant fixture
around Jammeh. They rambled here and there: Men in elegant green uniforms and jaunty berets. They
sauntered around in flashy cars, their every sighting an invitation to adoration. The Gambian army
made a pageant of itself. And the Gambian audience looked on with gusto.

The nation�s atmospherics changed dramatically. The military was now in power � The Gambia�s
initiation into the unsavory world of African military dictatorship had now begun. The ripple effects
would be assessed later. Now, it was time to sit and wait � to see what the new military leaders
wanted to do with their new-found political hegemony. The catch-words of Accountability and
Transparency entered the lexicon of Gambian leadership oratory. They came trippingly from the lips of
then Chairman Jammeh and his colleagues. His deputy Sanna Sabally made it a ritual to visit
government offices unannounced in a forceful bid to instill discipline in the civil service. But it was all
showmanship, a spurt-of-the-moment idealization of a national leadership christened on utilitarianism
and public accountability. In the previous years in Sierra Leone, the young military leaders Captain
Valentine Strasser and deputy Captain Saj Musa had also embarked on a similar road to public
rectitude. But the idea died in its tracks shortly after the euphoria of the overthrow of the over-stayed
All People�s Congress (APC) under Joseph Saidu Momoh had worn off.

The new Gambian military leadership just followed the natural trajectory of military regimes in Africa:
impress the masses with flourishes of grandiloquent oratory, give them a mish-mash of feel-good
promises, seek legitimacy wherever you can find it and then exercise a stranglehold on the reins of
power. �When you stage a coup,� the former Nigerian military strong man Ibrahim Babangida once
said, �you have to tell people what they want to hear so you can get accepted.� Jammeh made
Gambians feel hopeful of the new political times. He masked his rugged demeanor with the gentility of
a populist-man-of-the-people, a judicious disciplinarian. Gambian society was now on the cusp of
groundbreaking changes. Indeed, by Jammeh�s own sleight of hand and by a collusion of personalities
and events, The Gambia underwent a raft of undeniable changes � changes that affected the very
marrow of its identity.

The Gambia�s story in the last 14 years is, in the main, largely the story of Jammeh alone. He is the last
man standing if you exclude the loquacious yet now diminished Yankuba Touray. Sadibou Haidara
died in prison. Sanna Sabally jailed, released and fled into exile. And Edward Singhatey fell off the
leadership cliff. Jammeh has become the all-too encompassing, towering persona hanging fore and aft
in the national consciousness. But what kind of a leader was he during the last years? What was his
leadership style? Where did he fit in the historian James MacGregor Burns� exposition of
�transactional leadership� and �transforming leadership?� It couldn�t be the latter, for transformation
was a missing variable in Jammeh�s leadership calculus in the last decade or so. He was no Thomas
Sankara possessed of the awe of inspirational leadership and the ability to bring about meaningful
institutional changes for the public good. What about �transactional leadership?� Did Jammeh�s
leadership style demonstrate �managerial competence?� Was he a good care-taker of the ship of
state?

For Jammeh, material progress became the template for good leadership. Build and build. And build
again. Indeed, lavish infrastructural undertakings in the last years shot through the roof. Jammeh built a
national TV, schools and hospitals, roads and villas, pole lamps and traffic lights. The University of
The Gambia was founded. The Greater Banjul area and other parts of the country saw an outgrowth
of the trappings of life: more supermarkets, flashy cars, gas stations, cell phones, casinos, eateries and
plush homes. Gambians turned into land grabbers, this time rightfully and gainfully unlike the secretive
divide-and-divvy-up-dealings of the pre-Jammeh days. Real estate became quite the thing. Wealthy
individuals from England and elsewhere bought large parcels of land and sold away at cut-throat
prices. It was the new colonialism. Well, sort of.

These material gains and new accessories of life constituted some form of progress but their
comforting effects on the general helplessness of Gambians were rather microscopic. Empty schools,
doctor- and medicine-less hospitals, and a government-biased national TV could do little to enhance
either the productivity of the Gambian worker or his overall livelihood or societal growth. Economic
development necessitated a synchronization of optimal resource-allocation with relevant national
priorities. But limited national resources went to waste (D10m on the July 22nd Arch, for instance).
Priorities were ignored. And opportunities squandered.

In the last 14 years, the majority of Gambians barely eked out a proper living. Poverty undermined
their purchasing powers, possibilities and opportunities. The productive capacity of the national
economy barely enabled job growth. Agricultural productivity declined. Inflation deflated lives. The
national currency went into a tizzy. In 2003, the Dalasi�s important monetary functions of Store of
Value and Unit of Exchange met a high tide of depreciation. Some landlords demanded payment in
US dollars. The Dalasi appreciated again, but some Gambians wondered: did Jammeh�s invisible hand
rally the currency back to stability?

It was a steady tumbling down of living conditions. Economic needs dislocated families and
settlements. Scores of young souls perished in the high seas and sand dunes off the Mediterranean
coast. And some moved to urban centers in pursuit of scant jobs and ambitions. The rural-urban
migration in the last years took on a new lease of life. The 2003 population census report showed
increased urbanization with population increases for every major center except the city of Banjul. The
capital continued to register population declines � from 42,326 in 1993 to 35, 061 in 2003. The
Kanifing Muncipal Council, Brikama, Basse and the rest took on additional numbers of people. The
social pathologies of over-crowding, prostitution, banditry, etc., multiplied and constrained law
enforcement.

Gambian society was exposed to a host of new phenomena. Consider:

Immigration grew thanks primarily to the country�s relative peace and security within the West African
region. Refugees fleeing war-torn Liberia and Sierra Leone swarmed the Gambian landscape. The
Gambian population increased from 1, 038, 145 in 1993 to 1, 360, 681 in 2003. The immigrants
opened businesses and created some employment and some got married to the natives. This
presented important matters of national identity and character. New tribes will be added to the
national aggregate. What will be the litmus test of nationality and citizenship in the years ahead? What
was Jammeh�s immigration policy?

Government increased its constituencies (paramilitary forces, the now-defunct July 22nd Movement;
new ministries � department of state for energy and mineral resources, department of state for higher
education, research, science and technology, etc). While government expanded its might, the citizenry
saw a steep erosion of its sovereignty within the political sphere. Civic institutions, say, the press and
student unions, were pushed to vanishing lengths. The whittling down of civic structures coupled with a
weak political opposition and a compromised judiciary meant the unchecked primacy of one man.
�Agriculture is mine,� ran the Daily Observer headline. Power was individualized, and autocracy
decentralized and pervasive across the country. Jammeh could command and grab anything. This
unrestrained autonomy allowed a series of policies to be thrown around with reckless abandon. The
Gambian nation was reduced to frightening multiples: killings (Ousman Koro Ceesay, Deyda Hydara,
Ebrima Barry, Basirou Barrow and CO, etc); disappearances (Chief Ebrima Manneh, Daba
Marenah, etc); family sorrows (distraught fathers searched for their missing sons � Chief Manneh and
Lt. Gibril Saye; widows and fatherless children); arrests (Fatou Jaw Manneh, the late Sheriff
Mustapha Dibba, Baba Jobe and others); cabinet appointments (69 in 14 years); and presidential
billboards (at West Field, Kotu, other vantage points).

Chronicling the last 14 years also entails awareness of a few spurts of improvements. 1) The Gambia
finally got a university, helping in the impacting of intellectual growth and maturation for students en
route to an increasingly competitive world. 2) Gambian football underwent a major transformation. It
was now exporting more talents to Europe and elsewhere. For the first time ever, The Gambia
participated in a major tournament as in the recent Under-21 World Cup final in Canada. Gambians
felt a certain adrenaline rush of nationalistic pride. This had soothing effects on their domestic troubles,
albeit temporarily. Except for the fracas between the Gambian and Senegalese fans over the last
World Cup qualifiers, sports (read: football) became the pacifier, now and then. Jammeh doled out
large sums of money towards the national sport. But the late Nigerian dictator Sani Abacha was also a
benevolent football financier. 3) Gambians became more active on matters of political participation
and governance. The National Consultative Committee collated the opinions of Gambians nationwide
on the instruments of political transition from military to civilian rule. Gambians wrote, en masse, to
Jammeh and to the press and shared their opinions on a broad spectrum of national issues.

But by muzzling the local press and crushing dissent in the latter years, Jammeh succeeded in bringing
about a vociferous Diaspora press and a growing community of exiles. But the two communities �
Diaspora and home-front � operated from two different perimeters, one restricted, the other,
unfettered. And one remained stoic and seemingly unconcerned, the other, railed against entrenched
power and repression.

We witnessed the growth of the �rage industrial complex.� The hardening of the Gambian situation
engendered recurring conflicts between impulses � fortified in the mindsets of both sides of the political
fence. Gladiatorial irrationalities and reckless oratories of psychobabble filled the airwaves. Surrogates
reduced other surrogates into sputtering fools. Former soldiers who tried unburdening their souls to
the community ran for cover. Some Gambians turned into Mau Maus of opinion, jaw-jawing at one
another with bows and arrows, sticks and needles. Commonsense was consumed with anger and
venom and the sniffing of motives and intentions. It was the beginning of a new mentality. It was
the-you-are-either-with-us-or-with-Yahya Jammeh kind of public interpretation of the national
question. Independent thinking and objectivity smothered aground beneath the boiling antagonisms of
an increasingly sickening political culture.

Man�s capacity for brutality against his fellow man runs the entire gamut of human psychology. We
saw it on display in the last years. Murders, baby dumping, summary executions and indiscriminate
shootings introduced a hitherto innocent society to the dreadful faculties of humankind. Corporal
Mamadu Dumbuya ran out of the State House, with gun-toting and trigger-happy soldiers in hot
pursuit. They smoked their prey behind the Banjul Albert Market. The cruelties and debauchery
handicapped our normalcy and comprehension. We wondered whatever happened to the tender
mercies of the Gambian character.

If the last 14 years had taught us anything it was the need for a new crop of leaders predisposed to
selflessness and humility. But leaders come from the very electorate. �Societies,� argues the essayist
Lance Morrow, �may not always get the leadership they deserve, but they get a leadership that
reflects the nature of the nation�s power and condition of its followers.� Was the Gambian leadership a
true reflection of the people and their institutions? Did we deserve this kind of leadership? Were our
voting records truly representative of our needs and aspirations? Did voter indifference help frustrate
Halifa Sallah and Lamin Waa Juwara to the political margins?

Gambians seemed conflicted and unsure of what to make of their political situation. The national
predicament, in search of amelioration, constantly wandered between two intangibles: the sweet
longings of the relatively peaceful and prosperous Jawara days and the faint hopes of a distant horizon.

To write to the author, please send comments to: chernobjallow@hotmail.com

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