Gainako Newspaper

Today marks the 14th anniversary of the 22nd July 1994 military coup that brought President Yahya Jammeh to
power. A lot has happened in The Gambia since then. The author examines the realities of the last years. His
observations:
As the Second World War began to flare up in 1939, the late French
-Algerian philosopher Albert Camus was left worried: He wrote: �The
reign of beasts has begun.� Camus was conscious of and worried
about the possibility of unintended consequences � of a war being
waged in the name of world liberation. The Allies defeated Nazi
Germany alright, but only after a large scale destruction had visited
upon swathes of land and hordes of people across Europe. It was
never going to be costless, this routing of Adolph Hitler and his band
of rampaging invaders.

Camus was cautious. The same couldn�t have been said of most Gambians as Yahya Jammeh and his
colleagues forced their way to power 14 years ago today. Jammeh�s emergence on the political scene
occasioned a surge of euphoria, arresting in its palpability and unsustainable for its hollowness.
Gambians displayed an extravagance of wishful thinking and just marched along with the new leaders,
unmindful of the national risks of such an abrupt change of the political order. Perhaps, after three
decades of civilian leadership, part sluggish, part corrupt, Gambians were thrilled about militarism in
the ascendant. We had often heard from afar and with fervent absorption, the countless military
interventions in other parts of the sub-region. Nigeria, for one: the long line of military rulers � from
Ironisi to Obasanjo, Buhari to Abubakar � intrigued some of us.

In the immediate aftermath of the military coup, the Gambia National Army suddenly became a
household institution. It seemed everybody wanted to be a soldier, partaking off the limelight of the
military�s coasting to the pinnacle of power and authority. Alhaji Martin a.k.a. Lagos, the former
prolific central defender of the Serrekunda West Sticklers football club, saw his military career climb
to higher altitudes of visibility. Often donning dark sunglasses, Martin became a constant fixture
around Jammeh. They rambled here and there: Men in elegant green uniforms and jaunty berets. They
sauntered around in flashy cars, their every sighting an invitation to adoration. The Gambian army
made a pageant of itself. And the Gambian audience looked on with gusto.

The nation�s atmospherics changed dramatically. The military was now in power � The Gambia�s
initiation into the unsavory world of African military dictatorship had now begun. The ripple effects
would be assessed later. Now, it was time to sit and wait � to see what the new military leaders
wanted to do with their new-found political hegemony. The catch-words of Accountability and
Transparency entered the lexicon of Gambian leadership oratory. They came trippingly from the lips of
then Chairman Jammeh and his colleagues. His deputy Sanna Sabally made it a ritual to visit
government offices unannounced in a forceful bid to instill discipline in the civil service. But it was all
showmanship, a spurt-of-the-moment idealization of a national leadership christened on utilitarianism
and public accountability. In the previous years in Sierra Leone, the young military leaders Captain
Valentine Strasser and deputy Captain Saj Musa had also embarked on a similar road to public
rectitude. But the idea died in its tracks shortly after the euphoria of the overthrow of the over-stayed
All People�s Congress (APC) under Joseph Saidu Momoh had worn off.

The new Gambian military leadership just followed the natural trajectory of military regimes in Africa:
impress the masses with flourishes of grandiloquent oratory, give them a mish-mash of feel-good
promises, seek legitimacy wherever you can find it and then exercise a stranglehold on the reins of
power. �When you stage a coup,� the former Nigerian military strong man Ibrahim Babangida once
said, �you have to tell people what they want to hear so you can get accepted.� Jammeh made
Gambians feel hopeful of the new political times. He masked his rugged demeanor with the gentility of
a populist-man-of-the-people, a judicious disciplinarian. Gambian society was now on the cusp of
groundbreaking changes. Indeed, by Jammeh�s own sleight of hand and by a collusion of personalities
and events, The Gambia underwent a raft of undeniable changes � changes that affected the very
marrow of its identity.

The Gambia�s story in the last 14 years is, in the main, largely the story of Jammeh alone. He is the last
man standing if you exclude the loquacious yet now diminished Yankuba Touray. Sadibou Haidara
died in prison. Sanna Sabally jailed, released and fled into exile. And Edward Singhatey fell off the
leadership cliff. Jammeh has become the all-too encompassing, towering persona hanging fore and aft
in the national consciousness. But what kind of a leader was he during the last years? What was his
leadership style? Where did he fit in the historian James MacGregor Burns� exposition of
�transactional leadership� and �transforming leadership?� It couldn�t be the latter, for transformation
was a missing variable in Jammeh�s leadership calculus in the last decade or so. He was no Thomas
Sankara possessed of the awe of inspirational leadership and the ability to bring about meaningful
institutional changes for the public good. What about �transactional leadership?� Did Jammeh�s
leadership style demonstrate �managerial competence?� Was he a good care-taker of the ship of
state?

For Jammeh, material progress became the template for good leadership. Build and build. And build
again. Indeed, lavish infrastructural undertakings in the last years shot through the roof. Jammeh built a
national TV, schools and hospitals, roads and villas, pole lamps and traffic lights. The University of
The Gambia was founded. The Greater Banjul area and other parts of the country saw an outgrowth
of the trappings of life: more supermarkets, flashy cars, gas stations, cell phones, casinos, eateries and
plush homes. Gambians turned into land grabbers, this time rightfully and gainfully unlike the secretive
divide-and-divvy-up-dealings of the pre-Jammeh days. Real estate became quite the thing. Wealthy
individuals from England and elsewhere bought large parcels of land and sold away at cut-throat
prices. It was the new colonialism. Well, sort of.

These material gains and new accessories of life constituted some form of progress but their
comforting effects on the general helplessness of Gambians were rather microscopic. Empty schools,
doctor- and medicine-less hospitals, and a government-biased national TV could do little to enhance
either the productivity of the Gambian worker or his overall livelihood or societal growth. Economic
development necessitated a synchronization of optimal resource-allocation with relevant national
priorities. But limited national resources went to waste (D10m on the July 22nd Arch, for instance).
Priorities were ignored. And opportunities squandered.

In the last 14 years, the majority of Gambians barely eked out a proper living. Poverty undermined
their purchasing powers, possibilities and opportunities. The productive capacity of the national
economy barely enabled job growth. Agricultural productivity declined. Inflation deflated lives. The
national currency went into a tizzy. In 2003, the Dalasi�s important monetary functions of Store of
Value and Unit of Exchange met a high tide of depreciation. Some landlords demanded payment in
US dollars. The Dalasi appreciated again, but some Gambians wondered: did Jammeh�s invisible hand
rally the currency back to stability?

It was a steady tumbling down of living conditions. Economic needs dislocated families and
settlements. Scores of young souls perished in the high seas and sand dunes off the Mediterranean
coast. And some moved to urban centers in pursuit of scant jobs and ambitions. The rural-urban
migration in the last years took on a new lease of life. The 2003 population census report showed
increased urbanization with population increases for every major center except the city of Banjul. The
capital continued to register population declines � from 42,326 in 1993 to 35, 061 in 2003. The
Kanifing Muncipal Council, Brikama, Basse and the rest took on additional numbers of people. The
social pathologies of over-crowding, prostitution, banditry, etc., multiplied and constrained law
enforcement.

Gambian society was exposed to a host of new phenomena. Consider:

Immigration grew thanks primarily to the country�s relative peace and security within the West African
region. Refugees fleeing war-torn Liberia and Sierra Leone swarmed the Gambian landscape. The
Gambian population increased from 1, 038, 145 in 1993 to 1, 360, 681 in 2003. The immigrants
opened businesses and created some employment and some got married to the natives. This
presented important matters of national identity and character. New tribes will be added to the
national aggregate. What will be the litmus test of nationality and citizenship in the years ahead? What
was Jammeh�s immigration policy?

Government increased its constituencies (paramilitary forces, the now-defunct July 22nd Movement;
new ministries � department of state for energy and mineral resources, department of state for higher
education, research, science and technology, etc). While government expanded its might, the citizenry
saw a steep erosion of its sovereignty within the political sphere. Civic institutions, say, the press and
student unions, were pushed to vanishing lengths. The whittling down of civic structures coupled with a
weak political opposition and a compromised judiciary meant the unchecked primacy of one man.
�Agriculture is mine,� ran the Daily Observer headline. Power was individualized, and autocracy
decentralized and pervasive across the country. Jammeh could command and grab anything. This
unrestrained autonomy allowed a series of policies to be thrown around with reckless abandon. The
Gambian nation was reduced to frightening multiples: killings (Ousman Koro Ceesay, Deyda Hydara,
Ebrima Barry, Basirou Barrow and CO, etc); disappearances (Chief Ebrima Manneh, Daba
Marenah, etc); family sorrows (distraught fathers searched for their missing sons � Chief Manneh and
Lt. Gibril Saye; widows and fatherless children); arrests (Fatou Jaw Manneh, the late Sheriff
Mustapha Dibba, Baba Jobe and others); cabinet appointments (69 in 14 years); and presidential
billboards (at West Field, Kotu, other vantage points).

Chronicling the last 14 years also entails awareness of a few spurts of improvements. 1) The Gambia
finally got a university, helping in the impacting of intellectual growth and maturation for students en
route to an increasingly competitive world. 2) Gambian football underwent a major transformation. It
was now exporting more talents to Europe and elsewhere. For the first time ever, The Gambia
participated in a major tournament as in the recent Under-21 World Cup final in Canada. Gambians
felt a certain adrenaline rush of nationalistic pride. This had soothing effects on their domestic troubles,
albeit temporarily. Except for the fracas between the Gambian and Senegalese fans over the last
World Cup qualifiers, sports (read: football) became the pacifier, now and then. Jammeh doled out
large sums of money towards the national sport. But the late Nigerian dictator Sani Abacha was also a
benevolent football financier. 3) Gambians became more active on matters of political participation
and governance. The National Consultative Committee collated the opinions of Gambians nationwide
on the instruments of political transition from military to civilian rule. Gambians wrote, en masse, to
Jammeh and to the press and shared their opinions on a broad spectrum of national issues.

But by muzzling the local press and crushing dissent in the latter years, Jammeh succeeded in bringing
about a vociferous Diaspora press and a growing community of exiles. But the two communities �
Diaspora and home-front � operated from two different perimeters, one restricted, the other,
unfettered. And one remained stoic and seemingly unconcerned, the other, railed against entrenched
power and repression.

We witnessed the growth of the �rage industrial complex.� The hardening of the Gambian situation
engendered recurring conflicts between impulses � fortified in the mindsets of both sides of the political
fence. Gladiatorial irrationalities and reckless oratories of psychobabble filled the airwaves. Surrogates
reduced other surrogates into sputtering fools. Former soldiers who tried unburdening their souls to
the community ran for cover. Some Gambians turned into Mau Maus of opinion, jaw-jawing at one
another with bows and arrows, sticks and needles. Commonsense was consumed with anger and
venom and the sniffing of motives and intentions. It was the beginning of a new mentality. It was
the-you-are-either-with-us-or-with-Yahya Jammeh kind of public interpretation of the national
question. Independent thinking and objectivity smothered aground beneath the boiling antagonisms of
an increasingly sickening political culture.

Man�s capacity for brutality against his fellow man runs the entire gamut of human psychology. We
saw it on display in the last years. Murders, baby dumping, summary executions and indiscriminate
shootings introduced a hitherto innocent society to the dreadful faculties of humankind. Corporal
Mamadu Dumbuya ran out of the State House, with gun-toting and trigger-happy soldiers in hot
pursuit. They smoked their prey behind the Banjul Albert Market. The cruelties and debauchery
handicapped our normalcy and comprehension. We wondered whatever happened to the tender
mercies of the Gambian character.

If the last 14 years had taught us anything it was the need for a new crop of leaders predisposed to
selflessness and humility. But leaders come from the very electorate. �Societies,� argues the essayist
Lance Morrow, �may not always get the leadership they deserve, but they get a leadership that
reflects the nature of the nation�s power and condition of its followers.� Was the Gambian leadership a
true reflection of the people and their institutions? Did we deserve this kind of leadership? Were our
voting records truly representative of our needs and aspirations? Did voter indifference help frustrate
Halifa Sallah and Lamin Waa Juwara to the political margins?

Gambians seemed conflicted and unsure of what to make of their political situation. The national
predicament, in search of amelioration, constantly wandered between two intangibles: the sweet
longings of the relatively peaceful and prosperous Jawara days and the faint hopes of a distant horizon.

To write to the author, please send comments to: chernobjallow@hotmail.com

.........................................NEWS
REPORT OF CHILD POVERTY LANDS
EDITOR IN TROUBLE; Are We Serious?
...............................By Solo....................July 21st, 2008
Mr. Abdul Hamid Adiamoh, the Managing Editor of the TODAY
Newspaper was on Thursday seen entering the police headquarters
in Banjul where he was said to have stayed for not more than four
hours.

According to police sources, Mr. Adiamoh was asked to report to
the police headquarters on the pretext that he intends to tarnish the
image of the Gambia. Sources further told this reporter that Adiamoh's
arrest has something to do with a story published in the Today
Newspaper but that particular source could not say what the particular
article was.

However, the reporter was later told that a story relating to children scavenging in the scrap heap
looking for scrap metal which they sell to scrap vendors who in turn sell to agents who engage in
buying scrap metal, is what irritates those who might have been responsible for Adiamoh's arrest; that
they must have felt that the article has exposed the poverty of the ordinary people of the Gambia
which reality they want to hide.

There is a lot of suspicion in the media circles that the police are harassing journalists by way of
arresting them secretly only to threaten them later of severe consequences if they should expose or
publish it.

Not long ago, a media boss was said to have been arrested and threatened that should it leaked they
would know that he was the only one who could have said it; that this said media boss was nursing his
ordeal in solace without having to divulge it to anyone. Media workers argued and complained that
they are being targeted by state law enforcers thereby making their work environment very hostile for
them. They say it is the action of the police which when reported tarnishes the image of the state not
necessarily the mere reporting of events because as they claim, if something does not happen, it won't
be reported.

Reliable sources however informed this reporter that Mr. Hamid Abdul has been charged but he could
not confirm the exact charges leveled against him.

.............TRIBUTE
.....To The Legendary Aji Awa Jagne Saho
......................................By Aisha Saidy.................July 19th, 2008

....................A Tribute To The Legendary Aji Awa Jagne Saho died 7/16/2008
Today not only the family but the nation (Gambia) mourns your death
Hitherto you answered to a call so sudden
Eternally May Allah Bless your beautiful soul

Legendary was the life you lived
Exemplary in character and deeds
Generousity was your household name
Everyone in the Gambia today knows a patriot has died
Notably humble in all dealings with others
Devoted was you in faith, family and country
All have witnessed the kindness you spread
Rays of the divine sun sparkled your beauty
You've touched lives many of whom you don't know
(the poor, needy, blind, disabled & women)

Allah knows best the purity of your heart
Jannah His Highest place
Is indeed preserved for you

All are crying, but I have a much bigger reason to cry
We've done so much together, you were my best friend
All the night vigil prayers, the Quranic recitations we did together as roommates
As daughter and mother, mummy this seems a dream I never want to wake up to its reality

Journey of no return
A route to comfort and peace you took
God the Merciful indeed loves you most
Nearness to Him cannot be calculated
Endeavoured you have throughout your life

Soul so pure, soul so beautiful
Aloft it shall flow along with the blessed
Hall of fame induction shall be your welcoming ceremony in jannah
O' Ya Allah, have mercy on mummy's soul and grant her the highest in Jannah (Ameen)!

By Aisha Saidy, Boston, MA. 7/18/08

..............................................OPINION
JULY 22nd, ANTHEM SHOULD BE
AWARDED TO SANA SABALLY & LATE
SADIBU HYDARA: By Ndey Kumba Sillah.........July 18th, 2008
Dear Editor,
I am a Gambian born in the UK of mixed parents of Gambian
(Father) and a Sierra Leonian (Mother). My mother spent her
childhood life in the Gambia and attended St. Joseph�s High
School before going to the UK. I am from Basse Kaaba Kama.

I studied Law, and I am also an idealistic Doctor presently
devoted to serving the poor in Sri Lanka-Tamil Tigers occupied
areas. We provide medical services in impoverished areas. I do
visit the Gambia every two years.

I am a keen reader of your paper. It's my breakfast and supper.
I read other Gambian Online papers as well.

I once read in the "Observer.gm" that our President has offered some M1.5 Gambian Dalasi for
anyone who can come up with the best 22nd, July Revolution ANTHEM! What a good offer! I even
thought of joining the race, but a second thought held me back. Every single thing belongs to
somebody. And this Anthem has an owner already.

Since that publication, I have read articles of mixed feelings by many who wrote both for and against
President Jammeh�s offer. Well, to all who wrote for and against, I�ll not pass my judgment. I can only
say that all are right in their way of thinking. Some argue, why such a huge sum should be dished out
when there is total poverty in the country? Some praised the idea that this sum will still be used by the
poor population, in that; the potential winner will share this with many in the community. For me, it
comes to the same thing. No matter who wins, Its money that belongs to the people, and many will
benefit from this.

I now come to the main point about what I believe or think is right.

First, what is this Anthem for? Is it not for the 22nd, July Revolution? Yes, of course. Secondly, who
constituted the 22nd July Council? Are they alive or dead? Third, on the onset of this 22nd July
Revolution, what was the mission or idea in the minds of the Council? I believe this Mission should be
reflected in the Anthem. And this mission was only clearly known by only those Council members who
came together and staged the 22 July Revolution.

My biases are simple; I believe whole heartedly in the mission (Idea) of the AFPRC and support the
courageous men (GNA) who dedicated their lives to achieve this mission. 22 July Revolution was
created genuinely to rescue the interest of the Gambian people; its only some selfish individuals who
defaced it.

I am not blind to the achievements and shortcomings of the Revolution and also the Gambian
Community's contributions positive or negative. I am not afraid to be labeled as a blind supporter or
critic with an ax to grind.

Like Binneh Minteh, I believe that National Reconciliation is the way to address and fix our National
problems. Please, President Jammeh give the Nation this "Chance" come next 22 July Revolution
Day....

"Without wood a fire goes out; without gossip a quarrel dies down" (proverb)

There is no need to handcuff your favorite possessions: The Gambia is our Dear Land. There is no
place like Home. Gambia is our Home.
On the Anthem:

THIS MUST BE WRITTEN ONLY BY MEMBERS OF THE 22 JULY REVOLUTION WHO
KNEW THE REAL MISSION OF THE COUP. This must be an HONOUR added to their task still
incomplete�

And, oh! This must be written from deep down the heart for the true love of our Nation and not from
motives of love for money. We all must read this with reason rather than anger.

Courtesy of TheGambiaEcho Online publication posted Sunday December 26, 2006 (Attachment)
"MEMOIRS OF TWO GAMBIAN CABINET OFFICIALS IN PRISON..." This was an "Anthem"
(Philanthropic/Patriotic Anthem: WE LOVE THE GAMBIA" written in jail where there was no
money in their minds but trials and darkness (whether one survives or dies...) And, more importantly,
this was written by two former 22nd July Revolution members who took part in all the phases of the
coup. This was written in 1995, 14 years later (today) the President is asking for such an Anthem.

To anybody, the money is tempting, but I think to Sana Bairo and (The Late) Sadibou, it is only
enough to be given the honor of taking and putting in the right place the right thing. The Anthem is from
the right people who knew the mission idea in Honor rather than Money. May be that money can be
used to extend the same medical help to The Gambia like the one our Organization is engage in.

Who could write it better? NONE! The substance and text of this Anthem saw the real mission idea
of this 22nd July Revolution. With this Anthem of theirs, I can respectfully stand and ask the President
NOT TO LOOK FAR OR TOO LOW, you already have the Anthem written by your erstwhile
comrades. Give them the reconciliatory handshake (the olive branch), and give them this honor, it
belongs to them. Its true (Sadibou Hydara) is gone, but nothing is wrong given him honor. Post humus
award of a prize for the Anthem. The other, Sana Biro SABALLY in Exile. Their close family
(children) could represent them, but if by a National Reconciliation as hinted by Binneh Minteh, this
could be the best starting point for all and an example for other States.

I believe that this Anthem should be a uniting factor in our community and that it shall be given to the
rightful owners: Sana Bairo and (The Late) Sadibou. Who will argue that this should be given to
another? Well, Your Excellency Mr. President, the final decision rest with you, but never forget that in
whatever we do, we add to history whether right or wrong.

We all must remember that on the very day of the 22nd July Revolution, the closest people were the
Council members; and if for some reason there came some misunderstanding, that doesn�t mean they
are enemies, but only separated by faith. We must not scratch open old wounds, but try to heal them.
Our Nation needs Genuine Reconciliation from all hearts and minds. President Jammeh, go for it, go!
National Reconciliation!!!

Editors, thank you for allowing me this space in our paper. It belongs to all Gambians. Thank you very
much, you are not against the Gambia Government, but only exercising your profession in keeping up
with the sole responsibility of journalism in informing; teaching, and warning the people through your
paper. Keep up the good work. Always be fair and firm and report the facts.

Ndey Kumba

Is There a Potential For War in
Bakissa? - By Scott A Morgan....................July 18th, 2008
Recent Statements by some senior Military Leaders in Nigeria indicate that there is great displeasure
with the outcome of the Border Conflict with neighboring Cameroon. With these statements the
chances of War may have increased drastically.

The Chief of the Nigerian Defense Staff General Owoye Azazi told an Ad Hoc Committee of the
Nigerian Parliament that Former President Obasanjo did not consult the Military when Nigeria
followed the ruling of the International Court of Justice and ceded the Bakissa Peninsula to Cameroon.
The Chief also stated that the ceding of Bakissa was not in the best interests of Nigeria.

Another Statement that was made by General Azazi should be of interest to Security Analysts. He
expects that if and or when Conflict erupts between the two neighboring States then France will honor
its Military Defense Pact with Cameroon. In recent weeks Nigeria has approached both the United
States and Britain regarding increasing security in the Niger Delta. But with this information could this
be an effort to determine what assistance Nigeria can expect from the Anglo-American Alliance.

One interesting aspect that cannot be overlooked is the status of the People living in the Peninsula.
There is a substantial number of English Speakers in the region. These people are not happy either
with the UN. It seems that when both Nigeria and Cameroon received their respective Independence
from their Colonial Powers the People of Bakissa were placed with Nigeria. The Anger towards the
UN deals with the fact that their Independence was not even an Option for them to vote on.

In recent months there has been an increase in the dissatisfaction amongst the People of the Bakissa
Peninsula. There have been sporadic attacks against members of the Cameroonian Military. In at least
one instance an attack by Bakassi Rebels was blamed on the Nigerian Military.

Nigeria has the option to appeal the ruling of the ICJ for some time longer. Whether or not the
Country will choose this option or launch hostilities is not known at this juncture. It is not known
whether or not any potential conflict will be local in scope or has the potential to draw in other
neighboring states. But any action without the involvement of the Bakassi People will be shortsighted.

But in the eyes of some people the only thing that is important will be keeping the Oil in the region
safe.

The Author Publishes Confused Eagle on the Internet. It can be found at morganrights.tripod.com

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